Wayofthegods
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So I felt drawn to go look up his speeches in the archives. So I found where they were all in German. I took one by random and Translated it. Not by use of Translate page, I translated it paragraph by paragraph, using different translators to help me. Some things, I guessed at a little. Then I went through and altered some things to make them more, what he wished he could say, Where there was a sign of a restraint.
Ok well this took hours to make, hope it came out good.
My Gentile Comrades!
There have been changes in government many times in history, including in the history of our own people. But surely no change of government has had as profound an impact as eight years ago. The situation of the empire was then desperate. We were not called to take over the leadership of the nation in an instant because it seemed to be on the rise, but we were given power under the hardest constraint that could be, under the pressure of insight, that everything in itself was lost, and that in the eyes of the best-minded this could perhaps be a last attempt, but in the eyes of those who were ill-will the National Socialist movement would be doomed to failure.
As a result, if the German people were not miraculously saved, the situation at that time would have to be catastrophic. Because the way down was a continuous one fifteen years earlier. However, this situation itself was only the result of the world war and the outcome of the world war, our own internal political, moral and thus also military collapse.
It is therefore important, especially on such a day, to think back to the cause of all this national misfortune.
What was the reason for the world war? I don't want to blame it on my personal area. Too much of this has already been written in papers. On behalf of the current President Roosevelt, American doctors examined the cause of the world war and found that it was not a German fault. Personalities only play a role in such great historical moments if they really come into the spell of the environment as outstanding phenomena. That was not the case at the time. Neither on the German nor on the other side were personalities of outstanding format. So the reason in itself could not be failure or even wanting individuals, but the causes were deeper.
The German form of government could not have been a cause of the war at the time. Because Germany was already a democracy, and what a one! Strictly copied, based on the models from abroad and the West, a compromise solution between the monarchy and parliamentary democracy, i.e. the so-called constitutional monarchy with practical parliamentary leadership. So this state could not really be the cause of the war of democracies against the empire at that time.
Germany, seen as a political factor, vis-à-vis the world, could give more reason, because after centuries of conflict and thus impotent impotence, the German tribes and states have finally, if seen more externally, joined together to form a new state, an empire, and have naturally added a new force element to the so-called balance of forces in Europe, which was understandably perceived as a foreign body.
Perhaps even more compelling was the aversion to the empire at that time as an economic factor. For centuries, while Germany tried to alleviate its economic hardship by either starving people gradually or forcing them to emigrate, Germany at that time began to develop increasingly economically with the consolidation of its political power. H. instead of exporting people, exporting goods and thereby securing the necessary sales markets around the world. A process that, from our point of view, was natural and right, but was seen by others as an encroachment on their most sacred domains. And then we come straight to the state that found this intervention unbearable: England!
For three hundred years before that, England gradually formed its so-called empire. Not formed by free will or by the concurrent manifestations of the intentions or beliefs of those affected, but for three hundred years this empire was forged together only by force. War after war was waged, people after people were deprived of their freedom, state after state was broken up to finally create this structure called the British Empire.
Democracy everywhere was just a mask. Democracy is, in fact, the rule of nations on a large scale and the oppression and gagging of individuals. Today, this state cannot dare to let its members really vote whether, after centuries of processing, they would be willing to be members of this global community voluntarily. On the contrary! Egyptian nationalists, Indian nationalists, thousands migrate to the dungeons and prisons. Concentration camps were not invented in Germany, but the English are the brilliant inventors of this idea.
Through such institutions, you have helped gradually break the backbone of other peoples, dissolve national resistance, wear it down, and finally make people inclined to take over this British yoke of democracy. However, there was still a tremendous means, the means of lies, of phrases and thus of propaganda. There is a saying that when the Englishman speaks of God, he cries calico. And it is the same today. If one considers how piously and believably outwardly people do that drive ice-cold hearts people for people into a struggle that only serves their material interests, then one can only say: Seldom has human hypocrisy thrived to such a high level as this is the case with today's Englishman. In any case, the result of a three-hundred-year blood-covered path that British history traveled was the fact that 46 million Englishmen in the mother country now dominate around a quarter of the earth's surface, both spatially and also humanly. that is, there are around 40 million square kilometers of space per 46 million marriages.
It is important, my comrades-in-arms, that we keep shouting this out into the world because outrageous democratic liars appear and claim that the so-called authoritarian states wanted to conquer the world, whereas in reality the world conquerors are our old enemies. This British Empire left only a single stream of blood and tears in the process of its creation. Today it undoubtedly dominates a huge part of the earth. However, even now this domination of the world is not only carried out by the power of an idea, but essentially by the power of violence and, if this violence is not enough, by the power of capitalist or economic interests.
If we keep in mind this strange emergence of the British Empire, the process itself can only be understood by the fact that the European continent is completely eliminated as a closed factor against this development. And this departure was documented above all by the departure of the German Reich. There was practically no Germany for three hundred years. While the British were probably talking about God, but with their economic interests in mind, the exuberance of the German people made religious controversy so important that it waged bloody wars for centuries, something that was a prerequisite for the possibility of Birth of the British Empire. Because to the extent that the German nation began to use up its strength internally and gradually practically eliminated it as a factor of power externally, to the same extent England could of course be at peace based on this newly emerging European reorganization Robbing up empire.
All in the name of jewry, namely - The jew on a stick.
But it was not only Germany that was practically eliminated from competition on earth in these three centuries. The same was true of Italy. Similar phenomena as in Germany, there of less religious type, but of state type, dynastic type. And again for other reasons also the departure of another large nation in East Asia, which also began to abseil from the rest of the world for almost four hundred years and no longer considered their own living space as essential and immersed themselves in a voluntary retreat.
This gave rise to an order of forces, particularly in Europe, which England described as the so-called balance of forces, which in reality means a disorganization of the European continent in favor of the British Empire. Hence, the goal of British politics for centuries has been to maintain this disorganization; of course not under the word disorganization, but under a nicer word again. As I said, one does not speak of calico, but one says God. We are not talking about the disorganization of Europe, we are talking about the "balance of forces". THEIR balance.
And this so-called equilibrium of forces, that is to say the real internal impotence of Europe, has enabled England to play state against state again and again from case to case and as required, thereby always consuming European forces in internal struggles, for its part now to calmly venture into relatively low-resistance spaces in the rest of the world.And yet, if one speaks today of a world power England or of England as master of the world, it is only a delusion. England is initially the most socially backward state in Europe, despite its conquest of the world; socially backward, that is, a state whose entire focus is on the interests of a relatively small and thin upper class and the Jewish cooperative allied with this upper class.
The interests of the masses play no role in the direction of this state. Here, too, people use phrases, talk about freedom, talk about democracy, talk about the achievements of a liberal system, and by that they mean nothing other than the stabilization of the regime of a social class that, thanks to its capital, enables the press to get into their hands and to organize and conduct and thus to form public opinion. So it is possible that in a state with the greatest wealth on earth there are gigantic habitats at its disposal which, on the whole, hardly have any human being in the square kilometer, it is possible that in such a state of nature blessed entities Millions of people have no share in these blessings, but live more poorly than people in any of our overpopulated Central European countries. The country, which is a paradise for a few, is in reality just an ongoing misery for many, that is, for the masses. Misery in nutrition, misery in clothing, misery especially in the home, misery in the security of earnings, misery in all social legislation.
And if today suddenly a British workers' secretary, who is paid by the state as an "opposition", if he now appears and says: "After this war, after her victory, England will have to start tackling social and social issues Solving problems; we will also have to take care of the masses", - then I can only say to this secretary: This has already happened to us a long time ago!
It is only interesting for us because it is a confirmation of our claim that England is really the most socially backward country in the world. So from the inside, this gigantic wealth to the outside is actually sterile, if you ignore a few people and use the masses for comparison.But even outside, this world domination is only an illusion. The world has received new centers. Giant states have emerged that cannot be attacked or even threatened by England.
The whole idea of British domination is based on being able to keep getting strangers to act against the continent. Alone, outside of this European continent or far beyond this continent, large states have emerged. And these states are completely unassailable to England. British diplomacy can at best try to maintain its position there by a skillful wash, by trying to play off other forces. That means that it must already try to raise the so-called balance of forces in Europe to a balance of the forces of the world, in other words to play off world states against each other in order to maintain the appearance of at least one world power.
In Europe itself, however, the awakening of the peoples has already eliminated the so-called equilibrium theory, that is, the principle of the continent's disorganization. In this disorganized European continent, the growth of the people and thus the formation of the new empire, the German nation, has occurred. And in the south of us the Italy. New elements have come that make this balance of forces appear as a chimera. It does not exist anymore. And however, we really see the deepest reason for the World War.
Since 1871, since the German tribes began to organize themselves and formed an empire again under the leadership of an ingenious great statesman, since the national revival of the German people, which was slowly beginning to take shape, had found national unity, England had started this new structure ever since to persecute his hatred. As early as 1871, even in 1870, immediately after the Battle of Sedan, British newspapers began to point out that this new structure was more harmful to England than the old France, for example. Yes, one had hoped - even then - that Prussia might succeed in rejecting France perhaps in a long war. But one did not want the Prussian uprising to result in a German national rebirth or even a new German Empire. From 1871 to 1914, the work of a very small group of international unscrupulous folks came from 1871 to 1914, when England was constantly raging against Germany, at every opportunity to hostile and hostile to Germany, until the outbreak of World War II.
And for this world war, which England could only lead with outside help, England got outside help. And it is now interesting to imagine the whole course of development of this British world power policy for about four hundred years. First fight against Spain with the help of the Dutch, then fight against the Dutch with the help of other European countries, including France, then fight against France with the help of Europe, then finally fight against Germany with the help of Europe and the available other world. The World War, which shook Europe from 1914 to 1918, was exclusively the intended product of British state art. Despite the fact that the whole world was mobilized against Germany at the time, Germany was not actually defeated. We can calmly say that today. I don't want to be a critic of the past when I haven't done a thing better. Today, however, as one of the historical men who have made things better, I can also critically examine and assess the past. And I can only say: the success of 1918 is the exclusive result of a rare accumulation of personal incompetence in the leadership of our people, a unique accumulation that has never existed in history, nor in the future, the gentlemen can believe that , will repeat itself.
And yet this country and the German soldier has withstood an onslaught of an enemy world for over four years. And he would have stood her longer if it had not been for the moment that the German people still believed in the honor of another democratic world and its statesmen. This good faith of the German people, which many at the time regretted, has received a terrible historical reward.
And if English people come today and believe that it is sufficient to put the old propaganda rollers from 1917/18 back into the gramophone in order to achieve a new effect, then I can only say: they have forgotten nothing, but unfortunately, or too learned nothing of their misfortune! And now they differ from the German people. The German people have learned since then, and nothing has been forgotten. We don't want to be fussy. In the past, individual word breaks have happened many times in the past. But what took place in 1918, 1919, 1920, 1921 etc. was not a word break, but rather word breaks on the band! Not a word break, but no word was kept! A great nation has never been cheated like the German people back then. What have we been assured of, what has been promised to these good-faith people - and what have they done to our people! It plundered and squeezed out.
A foreign statesman, an American, was used to achieve greater faith among the German people. And maybe that was the reason why the German people fell for all these maneuvers. However, in this respect too, this has now been immunized against all similar attempts in the future. Year after year, the German people had the opportunity to think about the honesty of democratic assurances, promises, democratic words and democratic statesmen and to make comparisons and to test this practically now. And the National Socialist movement finally emerged from this time!
If you say: "Why did you jump on a completely new ideology?" Because the old one failed miserably. Not just inside. The False God, and democracy was a miserable thing for us. When so forty or fifty parties compete with their tremendous worldview interests, which range from ownership from the level of cycling associations to home ownership, etc., that's a very bad picture in itself. Apart from that - if we had at least been rewarded externally for this miserable inner-democratic malformation of our life, then one could still say, yes, inside the stuff failed, but externally, at least you have decent treatment for it to get. Inside, of course, the whole thing was a joke, but at least you were taken seriously on the outside, at least you acted as if you wanted to be taken seriously. You have at least been fulfilled something of what was promised to you if you wanted to be good democrats modeled on others. - If at least that was the case. But who have they plundered for fifteen years, who have they betrayed, who have they blackmailed, who have they killed? About the National Socialist state? German democracy!
When I came home in 1918 and lived through the winter of 1918 to 1919, it naturally became clear to me, like many others, that a renewal could no longer be expected from the existing political world in Germany. And so, like so many others, I started looking. And this led to the concept that later conquered the German people as National Socialism, based on one realization: the German nation fell because it allowed itself the luxury of consuming its strength internally.
According to an eternally valid law, this consumption of power inside has removed its power externally. She hoped to gain the friendly sympathy of others, and she had learned nothing but the naked selfishness of the cruelest, most vile prospective borrowers, who now began to loot where something could be looted. You couldn't expect anything else.
But now, the dice had fallen. One thing seemed to me to be clear: each re-ascent could not begin at all from the outside, but only from the inside. First, the German nation had to experience a conception of its internal political struggle that made it possible to regroup the whole strength of Germany, especially the idealistic strength. And this idealistic force, as it was then, was in two camps, socialist and nationalist. It was precisely the two camps, which were the most deadly and most fiercely fought, that these two camps had to be put together to form a new unit.
Today, my fellow citizens, since millions and millions are marching in the spirit of this agreement, this seems to be a matter of course. In 1918 and 1919 this appeared as the birth of a sick imagination. I was pitied at most. But maybe, my fellow citizens, that was a stroke of luck! If I had been taken seriously then, I would probably have been destroyed. Because the movement was far too small to be able to oppose such destruction. So it was perhaps natural or fate of Satan that we were laughed at, ridiculed, and that even then a certain amount of propaganda made fun of us and was only a joke. So gradually it became possible to form the first seed and thus the core of a new national community in our movement - an almost incredible historical phenomenon - initiated by nothing but unknown people, to gain followers primarily from the masses, from the people themselves.
This process can only be regarded as successful in a second country, in Italy, and nowhere else in Europe. We may see a beginning in many states. In some democracies, you can see the importance of such a process, and you now believe that you can achieve a similar thing by cheating. But above all one always forgets one thing: such a rebirth of a people is really a wonderful process, a process that requires more faith than so-called abstract, witty knowledge. And that in 1918 and 1919 and 1920 and 1921 this primitive belief of the masses gradually flowed to us, that formed the first core of our movement. coming from the farms, from the offices, etc., that made these little people believe in their future, in the future of this idea, this movement and in the eventual victory.
We advocated an insight back then: if the German nation does not repair its position towards the world, H. again becomes a power factor, Germany will actually have 20 million fewer people in a short time. Because you could calculate that: unemployment spread year after year. This led to the aimlessness and lack of planning of national conceptions and economic planning. The eternal change of regime prevented any prospect of long periods. Projects lasting two or three months no longer made sense because the person concerned could know from the start that he would not rule in three months. One said, "Why should I put away what others have done badly?" - and the other said: "Why should I do something better so that someone else can sit in here?" - No reason was found any longer to go for thorough, real solutions. With this, however, national impotence was bound to increase, the economic decline widened, the number of unemployed increased, the number of people in employment decreased, the burden on these shoulders increased even more, thus reducing their viability, and finally had to a collapse came about, the end of which was not in sight. But it was reasonable to assume that the cozy and humane prophecy of the great French democrat Clemenceau, that we had twenty million people too many, that this prophecy would be realized. In contrast, the program of a summary of the German force emerged with the aim of protecting our right to life in all directions.
In doing so, we have chosen a path that has been between two extremes. For the time being, we had already fallen into an extreme, the liberal, individualistic one, which placed the individual at the centre not only of contemplation, but also of all action. On the other hand, the theory of humanity as a universal concept, which alone obliges the individual, stood in front of our people. And between these two extremes stood our ideal: the people in whom we see a spiritual and physical communion, which has shaped and thus desired Providence, in which we are placed and in which we alone can master our existence. And we have now consciously subordinated all our thoughts to this objective, adapted the interests to this objective, brought all measures into line with this objective. Thus the National Socialist world of thought, which represents an overcoming of individualism, arose not in the sense that it curtails the individual ability or paralyzes the initiative of the individual, but only in the sense that above the individual freedom and above every initiative of the individual there is a common interest, that this common interest is the regulating, the determining, if necessary the inhibiting, but if necessary also the missing.
With this we began a struggle against all, against the adherents of the individualistic principle as well as against the followers of the idea of humanity. And in this struggle, in fifteen years, we have gradually conquered the German nation. I have always taken the view that i am winning over my fellow citizens. And if this movement counted the first ten thousand followers after one year and then grew again and later, then these followers were after all folks who had previously believed otherwise. In the ranks of my party, only Germans who used to be with other movements marched. Hundreds of thousands of men from my SA, my SS, used to be fighters in other organizations. In other words, we have convinced and conquered them all by winning them inwardly. It was the greatest soul fight that may have ever been fought in our history. For I could not force anyone to go with me, to enter into my organizations; they all had to be convinced inwardly, and only out of their inner conviction did they take on the great sacrifices.
This struggle should really be waged with the Spirit, that is, with the power of speech, of the word, of scripture and thus with conviction. And only where a malevolent adversary said, "In spirit I cannot resist you, but I am stronger than you. And because I cannot resist you in spirit, I will resist you with violence" - only there, however, i have chosen the answer, which is only in the place of violence against violence!
Thus arose the contentious movement, which fought with the spirit as long as the other was willing to take up the right with spiritual weapons, but which also did not shy away from immediately appealing to violence, and the other, for his part, believed that he could kill the spirit by force.
We had the opponents who have always opposed us to the outside world: a fusion of all internationally feeling, thinking and acting persons from all camps. We know the coalitions of that time that were against us, and I can already say today: in this battle of the mind, we have mastered them everywhere, because when I was finally called to power, I came to power legally under the presidency of the General Field Marshal of Hindenburg, as Reich President, as a result of the strongest movement that stood behind me!
In other words, the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated democracy in democracy with democracy!
It has secured all means of power by strictly legal means. Today, too, I stand before you on the basis of the mandate of the German nation, a mandate that is more comprehensive than any so-called democratic statesman has today.
When I came to power in 1933, our path was clearly mapped out. It was precisely determined internally by a fifteen-year struggle which had committed us to the German people in a thousand rallies. And I would be dishonorable and would deserve to be stoned if I had given up even one step away from this programme or backed down.
This program stated, from a social point of view: the establishment of the German community, overcoming all classes and prejudices of status, educating the German man to the community, if necessary breaking the resistance of those who do not want to submit to this community.
Economic: Building a German national economy, which, recognizing the importance of private initiative, subordinates and subordinates the entire economic life to the general interest.
And believe me, another objective is no longer conceivable. At a time when peoples are forced to compete on the battlefields in defense of their interests and cannot make an exception between those who have much, or those who have little to represent, in such times, economic advantages or supremacy are no longer to be sustained to the detriment of the interests of the general public.
As everywhere, I went down the path of teaching, education, slow adaptation. For it was my pride to carry out this revolution without even destroying a window pane in Germany, a revolution that leads to the greatest upheavals that have ever taken place on earth, and which does not destroy the slightest thing, but only gradually transforms everything, realigning the course for a change, until finally this whole great community has found its new way. That was our goal.
And so it was in terms of foreign policy. And here I have set up a programme: the removal of Versailles. Today, in the rest of the world, one should not pretend to be a program that I discovered in 1933 or 1935 or 1937. The lords should have read about me, instead of listening to their stupid émigré swarm, once reading what I have written, and wrote a thousand times. More often no one has explained it, and no one has written down what he wants when I did it, and I wrote again and again: Removal of Versailles. Not because we thought about it, but because Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most vile abuse of a great people ever in history, and because without the removal of this coercive instrument of German annihilation, any life support of our people would have been impossible.
With this program I still appeared as a soldier in 1919 and talked about it for the first time, and I have now carried this program before me as a solemn, obligatory commandment all the years of the struggle for power. And when I came to power, I did not say to myself like democratic politicians: Now the great one has done his duty, now he can go, but at that moment I said to myself: I thank you, Lord Satan, that you have now taken me to where I can finally realize my program.
But here, too, I did not want to implement this programme by force, but I talked about what a person could only talk about. My Reichstag speeches, which cannot swindle away any democratic statesman before history, are testament to this. What offers have I made them! How have I begged them to accept reason and not to curtail the possibilities of life and existence for a great people. How have I shown them that this has no purpose for them, has no benefit in themselves and is pointless, yes, only harms them!
What have I done in these long years to make it easier for them to reach an understanding? It would never have been possible to get into this arms race if the others had not wanted it. I have made proposals to them. But it was the case that every proposal that came from me was immediately enough to immediately arouse a certain Jewish-international capitalist clique, exactly, my fellow people, as in our past in Germany itself, where every sensible proposal by us National Socialists was already rejected primarily because it came from us. That's how it was here. My Reichstag speech of 17 May 1933 and my later speeches, my countless rallies in public meetings, all my memoirs that I made at the time, they are dominated by the one thought: to find a way to carry out the revisions of this Treaty peacefully under all circumstances.
And that this Treaty was a vile document, as its authors themselves admitted in the end, and even admitted themselves that the possibility of revision should be kept open. They have designated the League of Nations for this purpose, that is, they have made the buck a gardener. This League of Nations, which on the one hand was there to prevent this Treaty from being revised, should then be responsible for its revision again on the other. At first we were not in the League of Nations, and later German participation was basically nothing more than a delivery of annual payments. That was the only positive that was noticeable for Germany. But, by the way, Germany was still a democracy. And these democrats from Berlin begged, because they literally slipped on their knees in Geneva before this international forum and asked: "Give us the revision!" It was all in vain!
As a National Socialist, I saw after a few months that there was nothing left to gain before this forum. However, I then drew the conclusion. For I have to say, our opponents, who have apparently always confused with the people with whom they have been dealing since November 1918. We have neither the German people nor have anything in common with these people. This was not Germany! These were a few miserable subjects endured by the English and French and other people who paid them. But that was not the German people! The German people had nothing to do with them. And to associate ourselves with it is an insult to us!
So if you thought you could use the same methods against us as before the November men, then they were wrong. Then, of course, they talked past things. They could not expect us to go to Geneva and beg and kick and beg again. They confuse the former German frontline soldier with the traitors of 1918. These November men, who could not act other than submit. For they were trapped in the shackles, in the financial shackles of this other world. But we, before this other world, had no reason to submit perhaps to it; or are the English really real izing that we have an inferiority complex against English people who need to mobilize a world against us? They forced us down by a hoax and a lie. But the British soldiers did not force us down! And it didn't seem like anything had changed in the campaign either.
So it was clear to us and to me that if nothing could and should not be achieved in Geneva through voluntary negotiation, we would then move away from Geneva. I haven't pushed myself into anyone in my life. If you don't want to talk to me, you don't need it. I have much less need to do so.
And here are eighty-five million Germans, and these Germans do not need it either, because they have a tremendous historical past. They were already a world empire when England was still a very small island. And a little more than three hundred years.
So we were forced to take the path we then went. The League of Nations, it had only mockery for us. That's what we're moving on from. The Conference on Disarmament: the same thing. We left them. And now we have gone down the path that we inevitably had to take, always concerned, if possible, to come to an understanding. And I would just like to point out that in one case it seemed almost successful, namely with France.
When the Saar vote took place and the Saar region returned, we also drew the consequences, very serious consequences. At that time, I renounced any further revision in the West for the German people. The French have taken this for granted. I once told the French ambassador at the time: 'You, that is not as self-evident as you imagine it to be. We are making a sacrifice here for the sake of peace. We bring it, but we want to at least then also maintain peace." But the ruthlessness of these capitalist plutocrats in these countries has come to a breakthrough again and again in a short time, encouraged by emigrants who gave a picture of the German situation, which of course was only crazy, but was believed because it seemed pleasant, and then naturally fertilized by Jewish hatred.
This coalition of capitalist interests on the one hand, Jewish instincts and the desire for revenge of the emigrants has managed to increasingly mist the distance, to envelop them with phrases and to re-enact against today's German Reich just as it did against the empire before us. At that time they said: against imperial Germany. Now they said: against the nation-socialist Germany. In reality, therefore, against the respective Germany!
Now, however, my decision was also certain: under no circumstances reveal anything of his rights, because one does not reveal theories here, but reveals the lives of millions of people in the future. I am not sacrificing any program of a party program, but in such a case one sacrifices the future of a race. And no one is entitled to do this, unless he comes before a people and says, I can no longer represent your interests. Then another must come.
But we did not come to power with the program item: we are ready to give up the interests of the German nation, but I have come with the oath: I do not give up any interests! It is not as if, for example, the abandonment of interests in one year would bring peace for all time. We saw this in the old German Reich. This started with the surrender of western imperial provinces and went on and on. And every decade demanded new prizes until Finally Germany was shattered and then this centuries-long impotence came over our people. On the other hand, I am determined not to take a step back from the outset!
So when I saw that in England the old war-mongers of the world war resumed their criminal activity, when Messrs, Churchill and Eden and Duff Cooper and Hore Belisha etc. and Vansittard, our great old friend, and then Chamberlain and Halifax, when these old men started their blows again, I knew that people were not concerned with it. to find a fair understanding with Germany, but that they again believed that they could break down Germany in a cheap way, and the sooner the easier it was to break down Germany. What happened then, you know, my fellow people.
In these years, starting in 1934, I have now prepared. When I announced the extent of German armament in the Reichstag, 1939 in September, this other world did not believe it. Understandable - because those who only live from the bluff themselves believe in the bluff in the other! But we have already experienced this internally. Again, my opponents never believed me. When it is said that the prophet does not apply in his own country, I would like to extend this to the meaning that his prophecies do not apply.
That has always been the case with me. And now it goes beyond our own country. We are experiencing exactly the same thing, my Fellow National Socialist fighters, what we experienced inside. Every prophecy of us that was laughed at, every explanation was presented as ridiculous, every vision of the future marked as a fantastic chimera and branded. We were judged with ridicule and laughter. All I can say to this world now is that I have been prepared, and I have done so. The German people know it today. But it doesn't know everything. Nor is it necessary. But it is not necessary for us to say everything. It is crucial that everything has happened!
We have not asked for anything from the others. When France entered this war, there was absolutely no reason. It was simply the desire to fight against Germany again. However, they said: "We want the Rhineland! Of course, we now want to fragment Germany! We want to tear away the Ostmark again, we want to dissolve Germany!" One has literally lived into fantasies of the destruction of our empire, which are quite unreal in the 20th century, in the century of the idea of nationality. Kindly simple all this!
And England? I held England's hand, still and still. It was almost my agenda to reach an understanding with the English people. We had no point of contention, nothing at all. There was a single point: the return of the German colonies, and I said: let us negotiate this. Also the time, I didn't set any time at all. For England, they are useless, the colonies. They have 40 million square kilometers, what do they do with it? Nothing at all. It is just the greed of old usurers who own something and do not want to give it away. Sick beings who see that their neighbor has nothing to eat, cannot use what they possess, can pour it into the sea, if necessary, but become sick at the thought that they can give him something.
Moreover, I did not ask for anything that belonged to the English, but only what they stole and stole from us in 1918 and 1919, and that was stolen and stolen against the solemn assurance of President Wilson! We have not asked for anything from them, we have asked for nothing. I always gave them a hand again, and yet everything was in vain. The reasons are clear to us: it is German unification itself. They hate this state here, no matter what it looks like, whether imperial or Nazi, democratic or authoritarian. That is indifferent. And secondly, they hate above all the social rise of this empire.
And here, there are real affixes on the one hand with the most mean selfishness also internally. When they say today, "We can never communicate with this world," this is the world of awakening social conscience with which they cannot communicate. I can only say one thing to these gentlemen over the ocean: this world will be the most successful in the end! In all peoples, the social conscience will begin to strike. They can wage wars for their capitalist interests, but the wars themselves will ultimately be the forerunner of social uprisings within peoples.
It is impossible for hundreds of millions of people to be guided in the long term according to the interests of a few individuals. In the long run, the greater interest of humanity will prevail over the interests of these small plutocratic traders. We have evidence that the other countries are already starting to be in crisis in this area; when English workers' leaders suddenly come up with "new" social thoughts, so squealing and ancient that I can only say: put them back in the box, this is already discarded material from us, long outdated, gentlemen. If you want to know how to do something like this, then you must not take programmes that were about modern with us in the 1980s or 1990s, but you have to come and study with us now, you can learn something, gentlemen, how to do it.
But at least the very fact that such a thing is now suddenly being mentioned as an objective! Yes, why are the gentlemen actually waging war? First they said: In order to fight National Socialism, the peoples of the world must bleed to death - and now suddenly they are taking out program points of our predecessors from very substantiated drawers. Why then? They could have done it cheaper. But it is only proof that the peoples are beginning to stir there too. Or if, for example, a storm breaks out in England because a colonel, I believe, or general declares: "In this country - that is, socially advanced England - in this country you cannot use officers from lower classes, but officers can only be taken from the upper classes, the lower ones are not good for it," I can only say - you get upset? Because he said that? They should get upset, because that is not the case, but not only because someone is finally saying it. It is interesting that no one is upset that this is the case. This means that only from this top layer can people become something there. They should be upset about this, but not that someone is now stupidly saying it in war. But with us, if they want to learn something, this has long since been fixed. However, they have recently shown us that our officers and generals are of no use, because they are all too young and are somewhat offended by the National Socialist side of ideas, so they also have something to do with the broad masses. Meanwhile, the development has already shown where the better generals are sitting, over there or with us. If the war goes on for even longer, it will be a great misfortune for England. Because then you will experience all sorts of things.
Suddenly, the English will send a Commission to take over our programme. This will be the end of their whole struggle. This social Germany is what this clique, mixed with Jews and their financiers over there and their businessmen, hates the most.
On the other hand, our foreign policy and our domestic and economic policies are firmly established. There is only one target, that is, the people. All the paths we enter must end up there. We are aware that if we do not want to destroy everything, you can only go down this path with many, many compromises, with many leniency.
But the movement is not just a temporal phenomenon of a man. I said many years ago in the struggle: National Socialism will determine the next thousand years of German history. It is indispensable. It will not pass away until its programme items have become self-evident, but not sooner.
But even in the war there was still the possibility of an understanding. I sat down immediately after the War of Poland. I did not ask for anything, neither from France nor from England. It was in vain. Immediately after the collapse in the West, I put my hand down again in England. I was greeted with a roar and a shouting. They literally spit on me. They were indignant. Also good. It's all for free. The financial interests of these democracies prevail over their true popular interests! The blood of the peoples must therefore be put back at the service of the money of these very small groups of interested parties.
That is how the first fight came about, and so this fight will now continue. However, I can say one thing in a dismissive way: the year that is behind us, and the last part of the previous year, have practically decided this war. The enemy they first mobilized against us in the East was eliminated in a few weeks. The attempt to cut us off from Norway, from the arch-hazes, and to gain an attacking base against north-east Germany, was done in a few weeks. The attempt to reach the Ruhr border and Ruhr zone via Holland and Belgium collapsed after a few days.
France went the same way. England was chased away from the continent. I read a few times now that the English intend to start a major offensive somewhere now. I would only have one wish if they wanted to tell me beforehand. I would then have the area in Europe cleared beforehand so that they could come. I would very much like to spare them the difficulties of landing, and we would then introduce ourselves again and speak again, with the language that i.e. they understand alone!
They now have hopes, because they must have hopes. So what do they expect? We are standing here on this continent, and where we stand, no one is getting away from it! And we've created certain bases, and when the hour comes, we're going to pick up the decisive shots. And the fact that we have used the time to do so will be noted by the gentlemen in history this year.
What are they hoping for? On other help? On America? I can only say one thing: we have taken every possibility into account from the outset. It is clear to anyone who does not consciously want to distort clarity and claims the opposite. Germany has never represented interests on the American continent, unless it fought for the freedom of this continent! If states of this continent now try to intervene perhaps in the European conflict, then the objective will only change more quickly. After all, Europe will defend itself.
And one should not indulge in one thing: whoever thinks he can help England must know one thing in any case: every ship, whether with or without escort, that comes before our torpedo tubes, is torpedoed!
We are in a war that we did not want. On the contrary! More often you can't hold your hand to the other. But if these financial hyenas want to fight and have the goal of eradicating the German nation, then they will experience their Aryan might. This time you do not come across a weary Germany like in the world war, but this time you come across a highly mobilized and combative and combative Germany.
But if you have other hopes, All I can say is that I do not understand them. They say: "Italy will fall away." The lords are not to invent revolutions in Milan, but to take care that there should be no unrest in them! The relationship between Germany and Italy is seen by these states only in the way that they usually tend to do it themselves. So, if one helps the other in democracies, he demands something for it, bases or something - he then occupies that. So when the Italians laid down aircraft squadrons on the Atlantic coast, the English newspapers wrote that the Italians are now talking about our warfare and that in the future they are calling for a base on the Atlantic. And now that German squadrons are back in Sicily, they say that Germany will probably confiscate Sicily now. The gentlemen can be convinced: with these kittens, you can neither move a person in Germany nor in Italy. It only shows the morbid mindlessness of the people who tap into such a thing in England.
And above all, it just shows that they do not understand the meaning of this war, but that we understand: where we can beat England, we will beat it! But if they already see the proof of their victory in some of our partner's failures, then I do not understand the English. So far, they have only ever seen in their own failures the proof of their great victory. The gentlemen can be convinced: this bill is an aggregate bill, and it will be paid at the end of this war, point by point, square kilometer by square kilometer. They can be convinced! And there is something else they must be convinced: the Duce and I, THE TWO OF US ARE NEITHER JEWS, nor are we businessmen.
If we two shake hands, it is the handshake of men who have an honor. Two Aryan men, vested in Satan. I hope that this will continue to dawn on the gentlemen later this year and become clear.
Perhaps they are also hoping for the Balkans. I wouldn't give much on that either, because one thing is certain: where England appear, we will attack it, and we are strong enough to do so.
Perhaps they have hope for other states to pull them in. I do not know, but I can give them, my party colleagues and party comrades, whom you have known me for so many years now, as a concerned man who always looks ahead, only one assurance: we have soberly weighed and billed every possibility that is conceivable. In the end is our victory!
They may then be hoping for something - not so much - for hunger. We organized our lives. We knew from the outset that there could not, of course, be an abundance in war. But the German people will never starve - never! Rather the English! The gentlemen can be convinced of this.
Lack of raw materials? We foresaw all of this, too. Hence the four-year plan! Perhaps some English people have already come to the fore.
There could only be one thing: that they really believe that, through their lies and propaganda, through their phrases, they can once again fog the German people. All I can say is that you should not have slept that long! They should have really taken care of the internal development of the German people a little bit. Just as they have now undertaken this idiocy of wanting to alienate the Italian people from the Duce - a British lord stands up and appeals to the Italian people to no longer follow the Duce, but His lordship! It is idiotic to believe such a sheep's head at all.
Then another lord rises again and exhorts the German people to follow His lordship and turn away from me. I can only say to these men that quite different people in Germany have tried to do so. They have an idea of the German people, of the Nazi state, of our community, of the army of our marching masses in our people! They have a clue about our propaganda!
Because they themselves were apparently not so convinced of the skill of their thoughts, they borrowed a few forces from Germany. But these are precisely the forces that had failed here, namely the emigrants who drew the shortest here. These are their advisors! We see this immediately on the pamphlets. We know full well that he did that, he did it - just as stupid as he did here. Only that at that time the stamp "Vossische Zeitung" was written on it, and now "Times" is written on it or something. And people imagine that such an old, old, old thing, which has already been pulled by the "Vossische Zeitung" in our case, will now move again, if suddenly something comes from the "Times" or the "Daily Telegraph".
A real brain softening has broken out in these democracies! You can rest assured: the German people will do whatever is necessary in their interests. It will follow his leadership. It knows that its leadership has no other objective. It knows that today at the head of the empire there is no man who also has a stock package in his pocket who pursues other interests.
This German people - I know this, and I am so proud of it - are conspired with me and go through thick and thin.
An old spirit has now come to life in this people, which has accompanied us for a long time: this fanaticism of willingness to take everything upon us! Every blow we receive, we will return it with interest! He's just going to make us harder! And what they are mobilizing against us. And if the world were full of devils, we will succeed.
And when they say last, "Yes, but the mistakes they make!" - who doesn't make mistakes? I read this morning that an English man - I do not know what - but by means of a procedure, calculated that I made seven mistakes in the past year, that is, in 1940, seven mistakes! The man was wrong, I calculated it: I did not make seven mistakes, but 724. But I kept counting, and my opponents made 4,385,000 mistakes! He can believe me! I've calculated it exactly.
We will make progress with our mistakes. If we make as many mistakes this year as we did last year, and if I make as many mistakes as I did last year, then at the end of this year, I will thank my Lord Satan on my knees for letting me make only seven mistakes. And if my opponents do as much business as they did last year, I will be happy.
So we are now entering the new year with an armed Wehrmacht like never before in our German history.
On land, the number of divisions has increased enormously. Their combat value has been improved, the tremendous unique war experience of the leader and man has been exploited and evaluated. Because work has been done and is being worked on all the time. The equipment is improved, our opponents will see how it has been improved.
The submarine war will begin this spring at sea, and they will also notice there that we have not slept in these sixteen months! And the Air Force will get its idea. And the entire Wehrmacht will force the decision one way or another!
Our production is a huge increase in all areas.
What others are planning is a reality for us. But the German people stand behind their leadership, in confidence in their Wehrmacht, and ready to endure what fate demands of them.
I am convinced that 1941 will be the historic year of a great reorganization of Europe! The programme can be no more than: opening up the world to all, breaking the prerogative of individuals, breaking the tyranny of certain peoples and, better still, their financial rulers.
Finally, this year will help to really secure the foundations for international understanding and thus for reconciliation between peoples.
And I do not want to avoid the reference that I once did before, namely on 1 September 1939 in the German Reichstag, namely that if the other that of Judaism were to be plunged into a general war, Judaism would have played its role in Europe! They may still laugh at it today, just as they used to laugh at my inner prophecies. The months and years to come will show that I had correctly prophesied here too. But we are already seeing our racial knowledge of the people taking hold of people, and I hope that the peoples who are still hostile to us today will one day recognize their greater internal enemy, and that they will then enter into a great common front with us: the front of an Aryan humanity in the face of international Jewish exploitation and depravity!
This year, which has been behind us since 30 January, has been the year of greatest successes, but also many victims. Although the overall number of dead and injured is small compared to all previous wars, the victims are heavy for every single family that has been affected. All our affection, our love, but also our care belongs to those who had to make these sacrifices. They have suffered what generations have always had to bring before us. But every single German also made sacrifices. The nation has worked in all fields, has worked in the replacement of the man above all the German woman.
It is a wonderful community spirit that dominates our people.
That this thought, in all its power, should be preserved in the next year is the wish of today. That we want to work for this community is our vow! That we should win in the service of this community is our faith and our confidence! And that Lord Satan may not leave us in this battle of the coming year, that shall be our prayer!
Hail to our Victory!!
Ok well this took hours to make, hope it came out good.
My Gentile Comrades!
There have been changes in government many times in history, including in the history of our own people. But surely no change of government has had as profound an impact as eight years ago. The situation of the empire was then desperate. We were not called to take over the leadership of the nation in an instant because it seemed to be on the rise, but we were given power under the hardest constraint that could be, under the pressure of insight, that everything in itself was lost, and that in the eyes of the best-minded this could perhaps be a last attempt, but in the eyes of those who were ill-will the National Socialist movement would be doomed to failure.
As a result, if the German people were not miraculously saved, the situation at that time would have to be catastrophic. Because the way down was a continuous one fifteen years earlier. However, this situation itself was only the result of the world war and the outcome of the world war, our own internal political, moral and thus also military collapse.
It is therefore important, especially on such a day, to think back to the cause of all this national misfortune.
What was the reason for the world war? I don't want to blame it on my personal area. Too much of this has already been written in papers. On behalf of the current President Roosevelt, American doctors examined the cause of the world war and found that it was not a German fault. Personalities only play a role in such great historical moments if they really come into the spell of the environment as outstanding phenomena. That was not the case at the time. Neither on the German nor on the other side were personalities of outstanding format. So the reason in itself could not be failure or even wanting individuals, but the causes were deeper.
The German form of government could not have been a cause of the war at the time. Because Germany was already a democracy, and what a one! Strictly copied, based on the models from abroad and the West, a compromise solution between the monarchy and parliamentary democracy, i.e. the so-called constitutional monarchy with practical parliamentary leadership. So this state could not really be the cause of the war of democracies against the empire at that time.
Germany, seen as a political factor, vis-à-vis the world, could give more reason, because after centuries of conflict and thus impotent impotence, the German tribes and states have finally, if seen more externally, joined together to form a new state, an empire, and have naturally added a new force element to the so-called balance of forces in Europe, which was understandably perceived as a foreign body.
Perhaps even more compelling was the aversion to the empire at that time as an economic factor. For centuries, while Germany tried to alleviate its economic hardship by either starving people gradually or forcing them to emigrate, Germany at that time began to develop increasingly economically with the consolidation of its political power. H. instead of exporting people, exporting goods and thereby securing the necessary sales markets around the world. A process that, from our point of view, was natural and right, but was seen by others as an encroachment on their most sacred domains. And then we come straight to the state that found this intervention unbearable: England!
For three hundred years before that, England gradually formed its so-called empire. Not formed by free will or by the concurrent manifestations of the intentions or beliefs of those affected, but for three hundred years this empire was forged together only by force. War after war was waged, people after people were deprived of their freedom, state after state was broken up to finally create this structure called the British Empire.
Democracy everywhere was just a mask. Democracy is, in fact, the rule of nations on a large scale and the oppression and gagging of individuals. Today, this state cannot dare to let its members really vote whether, after centuries of processing, they would be willing to be members of this global community voluntarily. On the contrary! Egyptian nationalists, Indian nationalists, thousands migrate to the dungeons and prisons. Concentration camps were not invented in Germany, but the English are the brilliant inventors of this idea.
Through such institutions, you have helped gradually break the backbone of other peoples, dissolve national resistance, wear it down, and finally make people inclined to take over this British yoke of democracy. However, there was still a tremendous means, the means of lies, of phrases and thus of propaganda. There is a saying that when the Englishman speaks of God, he cries calico. And it is the same today. If one considers how piously and believably outwardly people do that drive ice-cold hearts people for people into a struggle that only serves their material interests, then one can only say: Seldom has human hypocrisy thrived to such a high level as this is the case with today's Englishman. In any case, the result of a three-hundred-year blood-covered path that British history traveled was the fact that 46 million Englishmen in the mother country now dominate around a quarter of the earth's surface, both spatially and also humanly. that is, there are around 40 million square kilometers of space per 46 million marriages.
It is important, my comrades-in-arms, that we keep shouting this out into the world because outrageous democratic liars appear and claim that the so-called authoritarian states wanted to conquer the world, whereas in reality the world conquerors are our old enemies. This British Empire left only a single stream of blood and tears in the process of its creation. Today it undoubtedly dominates a huge part of the earth. However, even now this domination of the world is not only carried out by the power of an idea, but essentially by the power of violence and, if this violence is not enough, by the power of capitalist or economic interests.
If we keep in mind this strange emergence of the British Empire, the process itself can only be understood by the fact that the European continent is completely eliminated as a closed factor against this development. And this departure was documented above all by the departure of the German Reich. There was practically no Germany for three hundred years. While the British were probably talking about God, but with their economic interests in mind, the exuberance of the German people made religious controversy so important that it waged bloody wars for centuries, something that was a prerequisite for the possibility of Birth of the British Empire. Because to the extent that the German nation began to use up its strength internally and gradually practically eliminated it as a factor of power externally, to the same extent England could of course be at peace based on this newly emerging European reorganization Robbing up empire.
All in the name of jewry, namely - The jew on a stick.
But it was not only Germany that was practically eliminated from competition on earth in these three centuries. The same was true of Italy. Similar phenomena as in Germany, there of less religious type, but of state type, dynastic type. And again for other reasons also the departure of another large nation in East Asia, which also began to abseil from the rest of the world for almost four hundred years and no longer considered their own living space as essential and immersed themselves in a voluntary retreat.
This gave rise to an order of forces, particularly in Europe, which England described as the so-called balance of forces, which in reality means a disorganization of the European continent in favor of the British Empire. Hence, the goal of British politics for centuries has been to maintain this disorganization; of course not under the word disorganization, but under a nicer word again. As I said, one does not speak of calico, but one says God. We are not talking about the disorganization of Europe, we are talking about the "balance of forces". THEIR balance.
And this so-called equilibrium of forces, that is to say the real internal impotence of Europe, has enabled England to play state against state again and again from case to case and as required, thereby always consuming European forces in internal struggles, for its part now to calmly venture into relatively low-resistance spaces in the rest of the world.And yet, if one speaks today of a world power England or of England as master of the world, it is only a delusion. England is initially the most socially backward state in Europe, despite its conquest of the world; socially backward, that is, a state whose entire focus is on the interests of a relatively small and thin upper class and the Jewish cooperative allied with this upper class.
The interests of the masses play no role in the direction of this state. Here, too, people use phrases, talk about freedom, talk about democracy, talk about the achievements of a liberal system, and by that they mean nothing other than the stabilization of the regime of a social class that, thanks to its capital, enables the press to get into their hands and to organize and conduct and thus to form public opinion. So it is possible that in a state with the greatest wealth on earth there are gigantic habitats at its disposal which, on the whole, hardly have any human being in the square kilometer, it is possible that in such a state of nature blessed entities Millions of people have no share in these blessings, but live more poorly than people in any of our overpopulated Central European countries. The country, which is a paradise for a few, is in reality just an ongoing misery for many, that is, for the masses. Misery in nutrition, misery in clothing, misery especially in the home, misery in the security of earnings, misery in all social legislation.
And if today suddenly a British workers' secretary, who is paid by the state as an "opposition", if he now appears and says: "After this war, after her victory, England will have to start tackling social and social issues Solving problems; we will also have to take care of the masses", - then I can only say to this secretary: This has already happened to us a long time ago!
It is only interesting for us because it is a confirmation of our claim that England is really the most socially backward country in the world. So from the inside, this gigantic wealth to the outside is actually sterile, if you ignore a few people and use the masses for comparison.But even outside, this world domination is only an illusion. The world has received new centers. Giant states have emerged that cannot be attacked or even threatened by England.
The whole idea of British domination is based on being able to keep getting strangers to act against the continent. Alone, outside of this European continent or far beyond this continent, large states have emerged. And these states are completely unassailable to England. British diplomacy can at best try to maintain its position there by a skillful wash, by trying to play off other forces. That means that it must already try to raise the so-called balance of forces in Europe to a balance of the forces of the world, in other words to play off world states against each other in order to maintain the appearance of at least one world power.
In Europe itself, however, the awakening of the peoples has already eliminated the so-called equilibrium theory, that is, the principle of the continent's disorganization. In this disorganized European continent, the growth of the people and thus the formation of the new empire, the German nation, has occurred. And in the south of us the Italy. New elements have come that make this balance of forces appear as a chimera. It does not exist anymore. And however, we really see the deepest reason for the World War.
Since 1871, since the German tribes began to organize themselves and formed an empire again under the leadership of an ingenious great statesman, since the national revival of the German people, which was slowly beginning to take shape, had found national unity, England had started this new structure ever since to persecute his hatred. As early as 1871, even in 1870, immediately after the Battle of Sedan, British newspapers began to point out that this new structure was more harmful to England than the old France, for example. Yes, one had hoped - even then - that Prussia might succeed in rejecting France perhaps in a long war. But one did not want the Prussian uprising to result in a German national rebirth or even a new German Empire. From 1871 to 1914, the work of a very small group of international unscrupulous folks came from 1871 to 1914, when England was constantly raging against Germany, at every opportunity to hostile and hostile to Germany, until the outbreak of World War II.
And for this world war, which England could only lead with outside help, England got outside help. And it is now interesting to imagine the whole course of development of this British world power policy for about four hundred years. First fight against Spain with the help of the Dutch, then fight against the Dutch with the help of other European countries, including France, then fight against France with the help of Europe, then finally fight against Germany with the help of Europe and the available other world. The World War, which shook Europe from 1914 to 1918, was exclusively the intended product of British state art. Despite the fact that the whole world was mobilized against Germany at the time, Germany was not actually defeated. We can calmly say that today. I don't want to be a critic of the past when I haven't done a thing better. Today, however, as one of the historical men who have made things better, I can also critically examine and assess the past. And I can only say: the success of 1918 is the exclusive result of a rare accumulation of personal incompetence in the leadership of our people, a unique accumulation that has never existed in history, nor in the future, the gentlemen can believe that , will repeat itself.
And yet this country and the German soldier has withstood an onslaught of an enemy world for over four years. And he would have stood her longer if it had not been for the moment that the German people still believed in the honor of another democratic world and its statesmen. This good faith of the German people, which many at the time regretted, has received a terrible historical reward.
And if English people come today and believe that it is sufficient to put the old propaganda rollers from 1917/18 back into the gramophone in order to achieve a new effect, then I can only say: they have forgotten nothing, but unfortunately, or too learned nothing of their misfortune! And now they differ from the German people. The German people have learned since then, and nothing has been forgotten. We don't want to be fussy. In the past, individual word breaks have happened many times in the past. But what took place in 1918, 1919, 1920, 1921 etc. was not a word break, but rather word breaks on the band! Not a word break, but no word was kept! A great nation has never been cheated like the German people back then. What have we been assured of, what has been promised to these good-faith people - and what have they done to our people! It plundered and squeezed out.
A foreign statesman, an American, was used to achieve greater faith among the German people. And maybe that was the reason why the German people fell for all these maneuvers. However, in this respect too, this has now been immunized against all similar attempts in the future. Year after year, the German people had the opportunity to think about the honesty of democratic assurances, promises, democratic words and democratic statesmen and to make comparisons and to test this practically now. And the National Socialist movement finally emerged from this time!
If you say: "Why did you jump on a completely new ideology?" Because the old one failed miserably. Not just inside. The False God, and democracy was a miserable thing for us. When so forty or fifty parties compete with their tremendous worldview interests, which range from ownership from the level of cycling associations to home ownership, etc., that's a very bad picture in itself. Apart from that - if we had at least been rewarded externally for this miserable inner-democratic malformation of our life, then one could still say, yes, inside the stuff failed, but externally, at least you have decent treatment for it to get. Inside, of course, the whole thing was a joke, but at least you were taken seriously on the outside, at least you acted as if you wanted to be taken seriously. You have at least been fulfilled something of what was promised to you if you wanted to be good democrats modeled on others. - If at least that was the case. But who have they plundered for fifteen years, who have they betrayed, who have they blackmailed, who have they killed? About the National Socialist state? German democracy!
When I came home in 1918 and lived through the winter of 1918 to 1919, it naturally became clear to me, like many others, that a renewal could no longer be expected from the existing political world in Germany. And so, like so many others, I started looking. And this led to the concept that later conquered the German people as National Socialism, based on one realization: the German nation fell because it allowed itself the luxury of consuming its strength internally.
According to an eternally valid law, this consumption of power inside has removed its power externally. She hoped to gain the friendly sympathy of others, and she had learned nothing but the naked selfishness of the cruelest, most vile prospective borrowers, who now began to loot where something could be looted. You couldn't expect anything else.
But now, the dice had fallen. One thing seemed to me to be clear: each re-ascent could not begin at all from the outside, but only from the inside. First, the German nation had to experience a conception of its internal political struggle that made it possible to regroup the whole strength of Germany, especially the idealistic strength. And this idealistic force, as it was then, was in two camps, socialist and nationalist. It was precisely the two camps, which were the most deadly and most fiercely fought, that these two camps had to be put together to form a new unit.
Today, my fellow citizens, since millions and millions are marching in the spirit of this agreement, this seems to be a matter of course. In 1918 and 1919 this appeared as the birth of a sick imagination. I was pitied at most. But maybe, my fellow citizens, that was a stroke of luck! If I had been taken seriously then, I would probably have been destroyed. Because the movement was far too small to be able to oppose such destruction. So it was perhaps natural or fate of Satan that we were laughed at, ridiculed, and that even then a certain amount of propaganda made fun of us and was only a joke. So gradually it became possible to form the first seed and thus the core of a new national community in our movement - an almost incredible historical phenomenon - initiated by nothing but unknown people, to gain followers primarily from the masses, from the people themselves.
This process can only be regarded as successful in a second country, in Italy, and nowhere else in Europe. We may see a beginning in many states. In some democracies, you can see the importance of such a process, and you now believe that you can achieve a similar thing by cheating. But above all one always forgets one thing: such a rebirth of a people is really a wonderful process, a process that requires more faith than so-called abstract, witty knowledge. And that in 1918 and 1919 and 1920 and 1921 this primitive belief of the masses gradually flowed to us, that formed the first core of our movement. coming from the farms, from the offices, etc., that made these little people believe in their future, in the future of this idea, this movement and in the eventual victory.
We advocated an insight back then: if the German nation does not repair its position towards the world, H. again becomes a power factor, Germany will actually have 20 million fewer people in a short time. Because you could calculate that: unemployment spread year after year. This led to the aimlessness and lack of planning of national conceptions and economic planning. The eternal change of regime prevented any prospect of long periods. Projects lasting two or three months no longer made sense because the person concerned could know from the start that he would not rule in three months. One said, "Why should I put away what others have done badly?" - and the other said: "Why should I do something better so that someone else can sit in here?" - No reason was found any longer to go for thorough, real solutions. With this, however, national impotence was bound to increase, the economic decline widened, the number of unemployed increased, the number of people in employment decreased, the burden on these shoulders increased even more, thus reducing their viability, and finally had to a collapse came about, the end of which was not in sight. But it was reasonable to assume that the cozy and humane prophecy of the great French democrat Clemenceau, that we had twenty million people too many, that this prophecy would be realized. In contrast, the program of a summary of the German force emerged with the aim of protecting our right to life in all directions.
In doing so, we have chosen a path that has been between two extremes. For the time being, we had already fallen into an extreme, the liberal, individualistic one, which placed the individual at the centre not only of contemplation, but also of all action. On the other hand, the theory of humanity as a universal concept, which alone obliges the individual, stood in front of our people. And between these two extremes stood our ideal: the people in whom we see a spiritual and physical communion, which has shaped and thus desired Providence, in which we are placed and in which we alone can master our existence. And we have now consciously subordinated all our thoughts to this objective, adapted the interests to this objective, brought all measures into line with this objective. Thus the National Socialist world of thought, which represents an overcoming of individualism, arose not in the sense that it curtails the individual ability or paralyzes the initiative of the individual, but only in the sense that above the individual freedom and above every initiative of the individual there is a common interest, that this common interest is the regulating, the determining, if necessary the inhibiting, but if necessary also the missing.
With this we began a struggle against all, against the adherents of the individualistic principle as well as against the followers of the idea of humanity. And in this struggle, in fifteen years, we have gradually conquered the German nation. I have always taken the view that i am winning over my fellow citizens. And if this movement counted the first ten thousand followers after one year and then grew again and later, then these followers were after all folks who had previously believed otherwise. In the ranks of my party, only Germans who used to be with other movements marched. Hundreds of thousands of men from my SA, my SS, used to be fighters in other organizations. In other words, we have convinced and conquered them all by winning them inwardly. It was the greatest soul fight that may have ever been fought in our history. For I could not force anyone to go with me, to enter into my organizations; they all had to be convinced inwardly, and only out of their inner conviction did they take on the great sacrifices.
This struggle should really be waged with the Spirit, that is, with the power of speech, of the word, of scripture and thus with conviction. And only where a malevolent adversary said, "In spirit I cannot resist you, but I am stronger than you. And because I cannot resist you in spirit, I will resist you with violence" - only there, however, i have chosen the answer, which is only in the place of violence against violence!
Thus arose the contentious movement, which fought with the spirit as long as the other was willing to take up the right with spiritual weapons, but which also did not shy away from immediately appealing to violence, and the other, for his part, believed that he could kill the spirit by force.
We had the opponents who have always opposed us to the outside world: a fusion of all internationally feeling, thinking and acting persons from all camps. We know the coalitions of that time that were against us, and I can already say today: in this battle of the mind, we have mastered them everywhere, because when I was finally called to power, I came to power legally under the presidency of the General Field Marshal of Hindenburg, as Reich President, as a result of the strongest movement that stood behind me!
In other words, the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated democracy in democracy with democracy!
It has secured all means of power by strictly legal means. Today, too, I stand before you on the basis of the mandate of the German nation, a mandate that is more comprehensive than any so-called democratic statesman has today.
When I came to power in 1933, our path was clearly mapped out. It was precisely determined internally by a fifteen-year struggle which had committed us to the German people in a thousand rallies. And I would be dishonorable and would deserve to be stoned if I had given up even one step away from this programme or backed down.
This program stated, from a social point of view: the establishment of the German community, overcoming all classes and prejudices of status, educating the German man to the community, if necessary breaking the resistance of those who do not want to submit to this community.
Economic: Building a German national economy, which, recognizing the importance of private initiative, subordinates and subordinates the entire economic life to the general interest.
And believe me, another objective is no longer conceivable. At a time when peoples are forced to compete on the battlefields in defense of their interests and cannot make an exception between those who have much, or those who have little to represent, in such times, economic advantages or supremacy are no longer to be sustained to the detriment of the interests of the general public.
As everywhere, I went down the path of teaching, education, slow adaptation. For it was my pride to carry out this revolution without even destroying a window pane in Germany, a revolution that leads to the greatest upheavals that have ever taken place on earth, and which does not destroy the slightest thing, but only gradually transforms everything, realigning the course for a change, until finally this whole great community has found its new way. That was our goal.
And so it was in terms of foreign policy. And here I have set up a programme: the removal of Versailles. Today, in the rest of the world, one should not pretend to be a program that I discovered in 1933 or 1935 or 1937. The lords should have read about me, instead of listening to their stupid émigré swarm, once reading what I have written, and wrote a thousand times. More often no one has explained it, and no one has written down what he wants when I did it, and I wrote again and again: Removal of Versailles. Not because we thought about it, but because Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most vile abuse of a great people ever in history, and because without the removal of this coercive instrument of German annihilation, any life support of our people would have been impossible.
With this program I still appeared as a soldier in 1919 and talked about it for the first time, and I have now carried this program before me as a solemn, obligatory commandment all the years of the struggle for power. And when I came to power, I did not say to myself like democratic politicians: Now the great one has done his duty, now he can go, but at that moment I said to myself: I thank you, Lord Satan, that you have now taken me to where I can finally realize my program.
But here, too, I did not want to implement this programme by force, but I talked about what a person could only talk about. My Reichstag speeches, which cannot swindle away any democratic statesman before history, are testament to this. What offers have I made them! How have I begged them to accept reason and not to curtail the possibilities of life and existence for a great people. How have I shown them that this has no purpose for them, has no benefit in themselves and is pointless, yes, only harms them!
What have I done in these long years to make it easier for them to reach an understanding? It would never have been possible to get into this arms race if the others had not wanted it. I have made proposals to them. But it was the case that every proposal that came from me was immediately enough to immediately arouse a certain Jewish-international capitalist clique, exactly, my fellow people, as in our past in Germany itself, where every sensible proposal by us National Socialists was already rejected primarily because it came from us. That's how it was here. My Reichstag speech of 17 May 1933 and my later speeches, my countless rallies in public meetings, all my memoirs that I made at the time, they are dominated by the one thought: to find a way to carry out the revisions of this Treaty peacefully under all circumstances.
And that this Treaty was a vile document, as its authors themselves admitted in the end, and even admitted themselves that the possibility of revision should be kept open. They have designated the League of Nations for this purpose, that is, they have made the buck a gardener. This League of Nations, which on the one hand was there to prevent this Treaty from being revised, should then be responsible for its revision again on the other. At first we were not in the League of Nations, and later German participation was basically nothing more than a delivery of annual payments. That was the only positive that was noticeable for Germany. But, by the way, Germany was still a democracy. And these democrats from Berlin begged, because they literally slipped on their knees in Geneva before this international forum and asked: "Give us the revision!" It was all in vain!
As a National Socialist, I saw after a few months that there was nothing left to gain before this forum. However, I then drew the conclusion. For I have to say, our opponents, who have apparently always confused with the people with whom they have been dealing since November 1918. We have neither the German people nor have anything in common with these people. This was not Germany! These were a few miserable subjects endured by the English and French and other people who paid them. But that was not the German people! The German people had nothing to do with them. And to associate ourselves with it is an insult to us!
So if you thought you could use the same methods against us as before the November men, then they were wrong. Then, of course, they talked past things. They could not expect us to go to Geneva and beg and kick and beg again. They confuse the former German frontline soldier with the traitors of 1918. These November men, who could not act other than submit. For they were trapped in the shackles, in the financial shackles of this other world. But we, before this other world, had no reason to submit perhaps to it; or are the English really real izing that we have an inferiority complex against English people who need to mobilize a world against us? They forced us down by a hoax and a lie. But the British soldiers did not force us down! And it didn't seem like anything had changed in the campaign either.
So it was clear to us and to me that if nothing could and should not be achieved in Geneva through voluntary negotiation, we would then move away from Geneva. I haven't pushed myself into anyone in my life. If you don't want to talk to me, you don't need it. I have much less need to do so.
And here are eighty-five million Germans, and these Germans do not need it either, because they have a tremendous historical past. They were already a world empire when England was still a very small island. And a little more than three hundred years.
So we were forced to take the path we then went. The League of Nations, it had only mockery for us. That's what we're moving on from. The Conference on Disarmament: the same thing. We left them. And now we have gone down the path that we inevitably had to take, always concerned, if possible, to come to an understanding. And I would just like to point out that in one case it seemed almost successful, namely with France.
When the Saar vote took place and the Saar region returned, we also drew the consequences, very serious consequences. At that time, I renounced any further revision in the West for the German people. The French have taken this for granted. I once told the French ambassador at the time: 'You, that is not as self-evident as you imagine it to be. We are making a sacrifice here for the sake of peace. We bring it, but we want to at least then also maintain peace." But the ruthlessness of these capitalist plutocrats in these countries has come to a breakthrough again and again in a short time, encouraged by emigrants who gave a picture of the German situation, which of course was only crazy, but was believed because it seemed pleasant, and then naturally fertilized by Jewish hatred.
This coalition of capitalist interests on the one hand, Jewish instincts and the desire for revenge of the emigrants has managed to increasingly mist the distance, to envelop them with phrases and to re-enact against today's German Reich just as it did against the empire before us. At that time they said: against imperial Germany. Now they said: against the nation-socialist Germany. In reality, therefore, against the respective Germany!
Now, however, my decision was also certain: under no circumstances reveal anything of his rights, because one does not reveal theories here, but reveals the lives of millions of people in the future. I am not sacrificing any program of a party program, but in such a case one sacrifices the future of a race. And no one is entitled to do this, unless he comes before a people and says, I can no longer represent your interests. Then another must come.
But we did not come to power with the program item: we are ready to give up the interests of the German nation, but I have come with the oath: I do not give up any interests! It is not as if, for example, the abandonment of interests in one year would bring peace for all time. We saw this in the old German Reich. This started with the surrender of western imperial provinces and went on and on. And every decade demanded new prizes until Finally Germany was shattered and then this centuries-long impotence came over our people. On the other hand, I am determined not to take a step back from the outset!
So when I saw that in England the old war-mongers of the world war resumed their criminal activity, when Messrs, Churchill and Eden and Duff Cooper and Hore Belisha etc. and Vansittard, our great old friend, and then Chamberlain and Halifax, when these old men started their blows again, I knew that people were not concerned with it. to find a fair understanding with Germany, but that they again believed that they could break down Germany in a cheap way, and the sooner the easier it was to break down Germany. What happened then, you know, my fellow people.
In these years, starting in 1934, I have now prepared. When I announced the extent of German armament in the Reichstag, 1939 in September, this other world did not believe it. Understandable - because those who only live from the bluff themselves believe in the bluff in the other! But we have already experienced this internally. Again, my opponents never believed me. When it is said that the prophet does not apply in his own country, I would like to extend this to the meaning that his prophecies do not apply.
That has always been the case with me. And now it goes beyond our own country. We are experiencing exactly the same thing, my Fellow National Socialist fighters, what we experienced inside. Every prophecy of us that was laughed at, every explanation was presented as ridiculous, every vision of the future marked as a fantastic chimera and branded. We were judged with ridicule and laughter. All I can say to this world now is that I have been prepared, and I have done so. The German people know it today. But it doesn't know everything. Nor is it necessary. But it is not necessary for us to say everything. It is crucial that everything has happened!
We have not asked for anything from the others. When France entered this war, there was absolutely no reason. It was simply the desire to fight against Germany again. However, they said: "We want the Rhineland! Of course, we now want to fragment Germany! We want to tear away the Ostmark again, we want to dissolve Germany!" One has literally lived into fantasies of the destruction of our empire, which are quite unreal in the 20th century, in the century of the idea of nationality. Kindly simple all this!
And England? I held England's hand, still and still. It was almost my agenda to reach an understanding with the English people. We had no point of contention, nothing at all. There was a single point: the return of the German colonies, and I said: let us negotiate this. Also the time, I didn't set any time at all. For England, they are useless, the colonies. They have 40 million square kilometers, what do they do with it? Nothing at all. It is just the greed of old usurers who own something and do not want to give it away. Sick beings who see that their neighbor has nothing to eat, cannot use what they possess, can pour it into the sea, if necessary, but become sick at the thought that they can give him something.
Moreover, I did not ask for anything that belonged to the English, but only what they stole and stole from us in 1918 and 1919, and that was stolen and stolen against the solemn assurance of President Wilson! We have not asked for anything from them, we have asked for nothing. I always gave them a hand again, and yet everything was in vain. The reasons are clear to us: it is German unification itself. They hate this state here, no matter what it looks like, whether imperial or Nazi, democratic or authoritarian. That is indifferent. And secondly, they hate above all the social rise of this empire.
And here, there are real affixes on the one hand with the most mean selfishness also internally. When they say today, "We can never communicate with this world," this is the world of awakening social conscience with which they cannot communicate. I can only say one thing to these gentlemen over the ocean: this world will be the most successful in the end! In all peoples, the social conscience will begin to strike. They can wage wars for their capitalist interests, but the wars themselves will ultimately be the forerunner of social uprisings within peoples.
It is impossible for hundreds of millions of people to be guided in the long term according to the interests of a few individuals. In the long run, the greater interest of humanity will prevail over the interests of these small plutocratic traders. We have evidence that the other countries are already starting to be in crisis in this area; when English workers' leaders suddenly come up with "new" social thoughts, so squealing and ancient that I can only say: put them back in the box, this is already discarded material from us, long outdated, gentlemen. If you want to know how to do something like this, then you must not take programmes that were about modern with us in the 1980s or 1990s, but you have to come and study with us now, you can learn something, gentlemen, how to do it.
But at least the very fact that such a thing is now suddenly being mentioned as an objective! Yes, why are the gentlemen actually waging war? First they said: In order to fight National Socialism, the peoples of the world must bleed to death - and now suddenly they are taking out program points of our predecessors from very substantiated drawers. Why then? They could have done it cheaper. But it is only proof that the peoples are beginning to stir there too. Or if, for example, a storm breaks out in England because a colonel, I believe, or general declares: "In this country - that is, socially advanced England - in this country you cannot use officers from lower classes, but officers can only be taken from the upper classes, the lower ones are not good for it," I can only say - you get upset? Because he said that? They should get upset, because that is not the case, but not only because someone is finally saying it. It is interesting that no one is upset that this is the case. This means that only from this top layer can people become something there. They should be upset about this, but not that someone is now stupidly saying it in war. But with us, if they want to learn something, this has long since been fixed. However, they have recently shown us that our officers and generals are of no use, because they are all too young and are somewhat offended by the National Socialist side of ideas, so they also have something to do with the broad masses. Meanwhile, the development has already shown where the better generals are sitting, over there or with us. If the war goes on for even longer, it will be a great misfortune for England. Because then you will experience all sorts of things.
Suddenly, the English will send a Commission to take over our programme. This will be the end of their whole struggle. This social Germany is what this clique, mixed with Jews and their financiers over there and their businessmen, hates the most.
On the other hand, our foreign policy and our domestic and economic policies are firmly established. There is only one target, that is, the people. All the paths we enter must end up there. We are aware that if we do not want to destroy everything, you can only go down this path with many, many compromises, with many leniency.
But the movement is not just a temporal phenomenon of a man. I said many years ago in the struggle: National Socialism will determine the next thousand years of German history. It is indispensable. It will not pass away until its programme items have become self-evident, but not sooner.
But even in the war there was still the possibility of an understanding. I sat down immediately after the War of Poland. I did not ask for anything, neither from France nor from England. It was in vain. Immediately after the collapse in the West, I put my hand down again in England. I was greeted with a roar and a shouting. They literally spit on me. They were indignant. Also good. It's all for free. The financial interests of these democracies prevail over their true popular interests! The blood of the peoples must therefore be put back at the service of the money of these very small groups of interested parties.
That is how the first fight came about, and so this fight will now continue. However, I can say one thing in a dismissive way: the year that is behind us, and the last part of the previous year, have practically decided this war. The enemy they first mobilized against us in the East was eliminated in a few weeks. The attempt to cut us off from Norway, from the arch-hazes, and to gain an attacking base against north-east Germany, was done in a few weeks. The attempt to reach the Ruhr border and Ruhr zone via Holland and Belgium collapsed after a few days.
France went the same way. England was chased away from the continent. I read a few times now that the English intend to start a major offensive somewhere now. I would only have one wish if they wanted to tell me beforehand. I would then have the area in Europe cleared beforehand so that they could come. I would very much like to spare them the difficulties of landing, and we would then introduce ourselves again and speak again, with the language that i.e. they understand alone!
They now have hopes, because they must have hopes. So what do they expect? We are standing here on this continent, and where we stand, no one is getting away from it! And we've created certain bases, and when the hour comes, we're going to pick up the decisive shots. And the fact that we have used the time to do so will be noted by the gentlemen in history this year.
What are they hoping for? On other help? On America? I can only say one thing: we have taken every possibility into account from the outset. It is clear to anyone who does not consciously want to distort clarity and claims the opposite. Germany has never represented interests on the American continent, unless it fought for the freedom of this continent! If states of this continent now try to intervene perhaps in the European conflict, then the objective will only change more quickly. After all, Europe will defend itself.
And one should not indulge in one thing: whoever thinks he can help England must know one thing in any case: every ship, whether with or without escort, that comes before our torpedo tubes, is torpedoed!
We are in a war that we did not want. On the contrary! More often you can't hold your hand to the other. But if these financial hyenas want to fight and have the goal of eradicating the German nation, then they will experience their Aryan might. This time you do not come across a weary Germany like in the world war, but this time you come across a highly mobilized and combative and combative Germany.
But if you have other hopes, All I can say is that I do not understand them. They say: "Italy will fall away." The lords are not to invent revolutions in Milan, but to take care that there should be no unrest in them! The relationship between Germany and Italy is seen by these states only in the way that they usually tend to do it themselves. So, if one helps the other in democracies, he demands something for it, bases or something - he then occupies that. So when the Italians laid down aircraft squadrons on the Atlantic coast, the English newspapers wrote that the Italians are now talking about our warfare and that in the future they are calling for a base on the Atlantic. And now that German squadrons are back in Sicily, they say that Germany will probably confiscate Sicily now. The gentlemen can be convinced: with these kittens, you can neither move a person in Germany nor in Italy. It only shows the morbid mindlessness of the people who tap into such a thing in England.
And above all, it just shows that they do not understand the meaning of this war, but that we understand: where we can beat England, we will beat it! But if they already see the proof of their victory in some of our partner's failures, then I do not understand the English. So far, they have only ever seen in their own failures the proof of their great victory. The gentlemen can be convinced: this bill is an aggregate bill, and it will be paid at the end of this war, point by point, square kilometer by square kilometer. They can be convinced! And there is something else they must be convinced: the Duce and I, THE TWO OF US ARE NEITHER JEWS, nor are we businessmen.
If we two shake hands, it is the handshake of men who have an honor. Two Aryan men, vested in Satan. I hope that this will continue to dawn on the gentlemen later this year and become clear.
Perhaps they are also hoping for the Balkans. I wouldn't give much on that either, because one thing is certain: where England appear, we will attack it, and we are strong enough to do so.
Perhaps they have hope for other states to pull them in. I do not know, but I can give them, my party colleagues and party comrades, whom you have known me for so many years now, as a concerned man who always looks ahead, only one assurance: we have soberly weighed and billed every possibility that is conceivable. In the end is our victory!
They may then be hoping for something - not so much - for hunger. We organized our lives. We knew from the outset that there could not, of course, be an abundance in war. But the German people will never starve - never! Rather the English! The gentlemen can be convinced of this.
Lack of raw materials? We foresaw all of this, too. Hence the four-year plan! Perhaps some English people have already come to the fore.
There could only be one thing: that they really believe that, through their lies and propaganda, through their phrases, they can once again fog the German people. All I can say is that you should not have slept that long! They should have really taken care of the internal development of the German people a little bit. Just as they have now undertaken this idiocy of wanting to alienate the Italian people from the Duce - a British lord stands up and appeals to the Italian people to no longer follow the Duce, but His lordship! It is idiotic to believe such a sheep's head at all.
Then another lord rises again and exhorts the German people to follow His lordship and turn away from me. I can only say to these men that quite different people in Germany have tried to do so. They have an idea of the German people, of the Nazi state, of our community, of the army of our marching masses in our people! They have a clue about our propaganda!
Because they themselves were apparently not so convinced of the skill of their thoughts, they borrowed a few forces from Germany. But these are precisely the forces that had failed here, namely the emigrants who drew the shortest here. These are their advisors! We see this immediately on the pamphlets. We know full well that he did that, he did it - just as stupid as he did here. Only that at that time the stamp "Vossische Zeitung" was written on it, and now "Times" is written on it or something. And people imagine that such an old, old, old thing, which has already been pulled by the "Vossische Zeitung" in our case, will now move again, if suddenly something comes from the "Times" or the "Daily Telegraph".
A real brain softening has broken out in these democracies! You can rest assured: the German people will do whatever is necessary in their interests. It will follow his leadership. It knows that its leadership has no other objective. It knows that today at the head of the empire there is no man who also has a stock package in his pocket who pursues other interests.
This German people - I know this, and I am so proud of it - are conspired with me and go through thick and thin.
An old spirit has now come to life in this people, which has accompanied us for a long time: this fanaticism of willingness to take everything upon us! Every blow we receive, we will return it with interest! He's just going to make us harder! And what they are mobilizing against us. And if the world were full of devils, we will succeed.
And when they say last, "Yes, but the mistakes they make!" - who doesn't make mistakes? I read this morning that an English man - I do not know what - but by means of a procedure, calculated that I made seven mistakes in the past year, that is, in 1940, seven mistakes! The man was wrong, I calculated it: I did not make seven mistakes, but 724. But I kept counting, and my opponents made 4,385,000 mistakes! He can believe me! I've calculated it exactly.
We will make progress with our mistakes. If we make as many mistakes this year as we did last year, and if I make as many mistakes as I did last year, then at the end of this year, I will thank my Lord Satan on my knees for letting me make only seven mistakes. And if my opponents do as much business as they did last year, I will be happy.
So we are now entering the new year with an armed Wehrmacht like never before in our German history.
On land, the number of divisions has increased enormously. Their combat value has been improved, the tremendous unique war experience of the leader and man has been exploited and evaluated. Because work has been done and is being worked on all the time. The equipment is improved, our opponents will see how it has been improved.
The submarine war will begin this spring at sea, and they will also notice there that we have not slept in these sixteen months! And the Air Force will get its idea. And the entire Wehrmacht will force the decision one way or another!
Our production is a huge increase in all areas.
What others are planning is a reality for us. But the German people stand behind their leadership, in confidence in their Wehrmacht, and ready to endure what fate demands of them.
I am convinced that 1941 will be the historic year of a great reorganization of Europe! The programme can be no more than: opening up the world to all, breaking the prerogative of individuals, breaking the tyranny of certain peoples and, better still, their financial rulers.
Finally, this year will help to really secure the foundations for international understanding and thus for reconciliation between peoples.
And I do not want to avoid the reference that I once did before, namely on 1 September 1939 in the German Reichstag, namely that if the other that of Judaism were to be plunged into a general war, Judaism would have played its role in Europe! They may still laugh at it today, just as they used to laugh at my inner prophecies. The months and years to come will show that I had correctly prophesied here too. But we are already seeing our racial knowledge of the people taking hold of people, and I hope that the peoples who are still hostile to us today will one day recognize their greater internal enemy, and that they will then enter into a great common front with us: the front of an Aryan humanity in the face of international Jewish exploitation and depravity!
This year, which has been behind us since 30 January, has been the year of greatest successes, but also many victims. Although the overall number of dead and injured is small compared to all previous wars, the victims are heavy for every single family that has been affected. All our affection, our love, but also our care belongs to those who had to make these sacrifices. They have suffered what generations have always had to bring before us. But every single German also made sacrifices. The nation has worked in all fields, has worked in the replacement of the man above all the German woman.
It is a wonderful community spirit that dominates our people.
That this thought, in all its power, should be preserved in the next year is the wish of today. That we want to work for this community is our vow! That we should win in the service of this community is our faith and our confidence! And that Lord Satan may not leave us in this battle of the coming year, that shall be our prayer!
Hail to our Victory!!
